全文获取类型
收费全文 | 66812篇 |
免费 | 3284篇 |
专业分类
各国政治 | 4483篇 |
工人农民 | 2850篇 |
世界政治 | 5917篇 |
外交国际关系 | 3809篇 |
法律 | 30926篇 |
中国共产党 | 9篇 |
中国政治 | 747篇 |
政治理论 | 20407篇 |
综合类 | 948篇 |
出版年
2021年 | 402篇 |
2020年 | 1156篇 |
2019年 | 1515篇 |
2018年 | 1668篇 |
2017年 | 1950篇 |
2016年 | 2142篇 |
2015年 | 1821篇 |
2014年 | 2095篇 |
2013年 | 10536篇 |
2012年 | 1557篇 |
2011年 | 1670篇 |
2010年 | 1808篇 |
2009年 | 2051篇 |
2008年 | 1712篇 |
2007年 | 1672篇 |
2006年 | 1852篇 |
2005年 | 1745篇 |
2004年 | 1633篇 |
2003年 | 1440篇 |
2002年 | 1499篇 |
2001年 | 1423篇 |
2000年 | 1230篇 |
1999年 | 1083篇 |
1998年 | 1020篇 |
1997年 | 902篇 |
1996年 | 899篇 |
1995年 | 900篇 |
1994年 | 898篇 |
1993年 | 927篇 |
1992年 | 913篇 |
1991年 | 946篇 |
1990年 | 891篇 |
1989年 | 941篇 |
1988年 | 938篇 |
1987年 | 971篇 |
1986年 | 926篇 |
1985年 | 1022篇 |
1984年 | 907篇 |
1983年 | 969篇 |
1982年 | 888篇 |
1981年 | 839篇 |
1980年 | 655篇 |
1979年 | 677篇 |
1978年 | 594篇 |
1977年 | 527篇 |
1976年 | 489篇 |
1975年 | 414篇 |
1974年 | 414篇 |
1973年 | 428篇 |
1972年 | 367篇 |
排序方式: 共有10000条查询结果,搜索用时 15 毫秒
991.
Felice Carabellese M.D. Alan R. Felthous M.D. Donatella La Tegola Psy.D. Ph.D. Ilaria Rossetto M.D. Domenico Montalbò M.D. Filippo Franconi M.D. Roberto Catanesi M.D. 《Journal of forensic sciences》2019,64(5):1438-1443
Various studies have shown that women with psychopathy tend to commit crimes that are less violent than those of psychopathic men. The present study was designed to address the influence of psychopathy on the crimes committed by female offenders. A national sample of female offenders found NGRI or of diminished responsibility and at risk for criminal recidivism (OPG patients) was compared with a sample of female offenders who were convicted and imprisoned. Results of this comparison between the two groups of female offenders indicate that psychopathy is a transversal psychopathological dimension which may or may not be associated with other mental disorders. In both samples, the most commonly reported offenses among women with high PCL‐R scores were minor offenses, not particularly violent, but they appear to be related to typical psychopathic features such as superficial charm, pathological lying, and manipulation. 相似文献
992.
993.
Jara M. Carrington 《Law & policy》2020,42(4):344-364
This article builds on and contributes to the scholarship on social movements and the law by revealing the critical function of nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) in law and policy in neoliberal times. Building on frame theories in social movement literature, this essay uses the lens of NGO-produced advocacy for binational same-sex couples to consider more broadly the relationship between individual experience, subjectivity, and the discourses and practices employed by NGO actors. It offers an analysis of both how NGOs developed and utilized particular messaging strategies and rhetorical frames to discursively produce a normative image of their constituency, and how constituents navigated and made use of the framing strategies developed by NGOs in their own claims to state rights and recognition. This discussion thus highlights the potentials and the problematics of the NGO model in social movements' efforts toward legal and political change. 相似文献
994.
Walter C. Ladwig III 《Legislative Studies Quarterly》2020,45(3):469-493
Why do political parties in parliamentary systems undertake actions, such as joining a coalition government, that will entail significant costs for their members in subsequent elections? Recent research points to the incentive structures faced by differentially positioned members of a parliamentary party: unlike backbenchers, MPs who hold a ministerial portfolio can use the prerequisites of executive office to shield themselves from the costs of governance. This article tests the theory of executive particularism by examining the electoral fortunes of government ministers in India. Sitting government ministers are found to outperform other candidates; however, tests of causality fail to demonstrate that holding a ministerial portfolio causes this electoral benefit. Instead, it appears that a candidate’s electoral performance enhances the likelihood of being granted a ministerial portfolio in the first place. This finding raises questions about the generalizability of claims that party elites can use ministerial office to shield themselves from the costs of governing. 相似文献
995.
Despite renewed interests in the labeling perspective and the impact of official intervention on individuals’ future outcomes, scant attention has been given to potential conditioning factors for theorized labeling processes. We argue that, when viewed through a symbolic interactionist lens, variations in the nature of primary social groups, through which individuals filter official labels like arrest, may generate patterns for subsequent self-concept and delinquency that are contrary to what labeling theory indicates. To test our rationale, we offer a moderated mediation model in which gang membership is expected to differentially impact the effect of arrest on future delinquency through an intermediary mechanism: self-esteem. We test a gang–nongang dichotomy and then probe further to test whether hypothesized effects are gang specific or occur similarly for nongang youths with highly delinquent peer groups. Analyzed using Rochester Youth Development Study (RYDS) data (N = 961), comparisons between gang members and nonaffiliated youths with similarly highly delinquent peer groups revealed no significant differences in conditional indirect effects of arrest on self-esteem and future delinquency; the two groups were similarly insulated from any negative impact of arrest on self-esteem. For nongang youths with fewer delinquent peers, however, arrest significantly reduced later self-esteem, which in turn increased their future delinquency. 相似文献
996.
997.
998.
999.
1000.